A Review of ‘The Daughter of Time’

Tudors

Anyone with a passing interest in the study of the fifteenth century has heard of Josephine Tey’s book ‘A Daughter of Time’, a mystery novel from 1951 often mentioned in heated discussions regarding the guilt, or otherwise, of Richard III in the disappearance of the Princes in the Tower. We are often told, in a most-determined manner, that Richard could not have committed the deed, with the facts outlined in Tey’s book providing the basis of any argument. It is not unlike the recent phenomenon we see with the work of Philippa Gregory, where some use the work of fiction to bolster their verdict, a case in point being the recent belief that Margaret Beaufort plotted her entire life to place her son on the throne, against any known historical evidence. Fictional accounts are, it seems, heavily influential in forming the opinions of some people in how history unravelled.

I have always been mildly amused by how much influence this particular fiction book has had on Ricardians. Many of these subscribers to the belief that Richard III was a good man undone by Tudor treachery and propaganda proudly note that their views originated with Tey’s book. By its very nature, however, a fictional book surely can’t be used as supporting evidence in an historical debate. It is not ‘real history’, after all, but make-believe fashioned in the mind of an author able to manipulate known-fact to put forward their opinion.

The premise of ‘A Daughter of Time’ is simple. Inspector Grant of Scotland Yard is hospitalised, and understandably bored, is brought several portraits by a friend to muse over, being an acknowledged expert in the study of faces through his profession. Upon being presented with an image of Richard III, whose identity is not instantly apparent to the policeman, Grant’s assessment of the man is that he was conscientious, a perfectionist, a worrier, presumably a man of great responsibility such as a judge or a soldier. The inspector is astonished when he discovers the man he made this positive judgement of was in fact Richard III, ‘the monster of nursery rhymes’ and the ‘destroyer of innocence’. Grant, however, fails to see any ‘villainy’ in the face of history’s most notorious royal criminal, and sets out to seek the ‘real Richard’ with the help of a young American research assistant. The result is a gradual realisation that Richard was, in fact, a good and kind king, unfairly maligned by the Tudors, in particular Sir Thomas More, who becomes something of a villain during the piece.

Now, the book is a fantastic read, an impressively gripping work that I finished in little over two days. I couldn’t put the book down. Nonetheless, for a book that has come to be regarded as the ‘bible’ of modern Ricardianism, it must be assessed for the quality of its argument, which I sadly feel is lacking, and one-dimensional at best.

As mentioned, Grant’s initial belief of Richard’s innocence stems from the portrait itself, bolstered oddly by a fictional account in a book he reads called the Rose of Raby. The inspector simply doesn’t believe the man in the portrait, a mere painting remember, was capable of the crimes he was accused of, which seems a worryingly generous, and simplistic, deducted by an apparently celebrated police inspector. At one point, the face is even considered to be saintly! I somehow fail to see a real-life inspector acting in such a manner.

By chapter 6, Grant encounter’s Thomas More and his exaggerated and embellished work on Richard III, much of which provided the basis for Shakespeare’s ridiculous caricature of the king. Here, Grant reacts with particular distaste to the discovery that More was only a boy during Richard’s life and therefore his work was based on second-hand gossip. Yes, More’s work was reliant on the testimony of other men, not least John Morton, but it seems churlish that this fact alone renders the entire work a fraud, and as a consequence redeems Richard. Basically, a nice face in the portrait and the fact that More was a child during the reign of Richard III turn Grant into a rabid Ricardian. From here on in, the inspector is determined to absolve Richard of any wrongdoing, something which, as the book is a fictional account and NOT academic, feels inevitable.

The more Grant learns about Richard, the more the case builds. It is not possible, the inspector muses, for such a popular duke to have become such a rash king, as the historical accounts state. They must all be wrong. How can this man, who was a good administrator and excellent military general, also be capable of such unscrupulous and villainous behaviour. Again, this apparently highly capable police inspector is being very generous to his subject. Humans are not inflexible; they are not one or the other. They are no binary. Humans are complex, and react to the world they live in. There is nothing to suggest that Richard III could have been a good administrator, a loyal brother, an excellent military man whilst also committing disastrous mistakes as king as the pressure of rule affected his decision-making.

Of course, to restore Richard’s attention, attention soon finds its way to Henry VII. The Henry portrayed in the book doesn’t have a single, redeeming quality. The financial policy known as ‘Morton’s Fork’ is brought up at length, ignoring the fact that Yorkist England had a similar policy under Edward IV, whilst the conclusion is reached that the Princes in the Tower must have survived into Henry’s reign simply because the Tudor king made no political capital from the disappearance. Furthermore, Richard couldn’t have done it because he had many other Yorkist nieces and nephews still living, and would therefore have had to kill them all to take the throne, again conveniently overlooking the reality of the situation in favour of genealogical theorising.

We also see it noted that as Elizabeth Woodville came out of sanctuary and reconciled somewhat with Richard III, then he couldn’t have killed her sons. This theory, of course, overlooks the fact that Richard had already, in fact, killed one of her sons from her first marriage, Richard Grey, in usurping the throne. Was his life irrelevant because he wasn’t a prince? All things considered, the evidence for Richard’s innocence in the book is flimsy, and doesn’t stand up to any in-depth analysis. There is a delicious irony in Inspector Grant bemoaning the two-dimensional thinking of historians when that’s basically what this very book is.

Other evidence is easily dismissed, or even fabricated. The Croyland Chronicler’s rumour of the princes’ deaths in 1483, during Richard’s reign, is dismissed off-hand as being because Morton was lurking in the vicinity at the time and was therefore clearly the source, whilst Henry VII is accused of murdering Richard’s illegitimate son John, something for which there is no contemporary evidence.

In summary, Grant’s (or should that be Tey’s?) argument for Richard’s innocence, with no alternative theories put forward, can be summed up as follows;

  • Richard’s face in a portrait doesn’t fit the face of a killer.
  • Richard had nothing to gain from the princes’ death.
  • Thomas More was only a boy during Richard’s reign, therefore everything he wrote must be discounted as nothing more than gossip
  • Henry VII never made any political capital from their disappearance, therefore he must have killed them
  • Elizabeth Woodville forgave Richard and therefore couldn’t have killed her sons
  • There was no contemporary reports of the princes’ death during Richard’s reign.

Each of the above points can be directly counter-argued, and in some cases completely dispelled. The portrait is just that, a portrait, and not particularly contemporary either therefore it’s irrelevant. Richard DID have something to benefit from the princes’ death, as they would have become the source of later disaffection and were hardly likely to roll over and allow their inheritance to be taken. More’s account was written many decades after Richard’s death, and certainly embellished, but that doesn’t alone render the entire work a lie. Henry VII may not have made political capital because he quite simply did not know what became of the princes when he finally secured the realm. And, of course, Elizabeth Woodville did forgive Richard, even though he had already killed one of her sons from her first marriage.

Of course, as this book isn’t a true work of history, it doesn’t take such counter-arguments into account. We only receive a selective, one-sided version, albeit dressed up as a policeman applying logic and reasoning, with results which any respectable historian would question. There is great merit in how the protagonists pull apart the work of Thomas More, and question the veracity of later sources like Hall and Holinshed, something all respectable historians must do, but the deductions the book comes too are based on circumstantial evidence. There is nothing solid that suggests Richard’s innocence, and the book doesn’t stand up to any real scrutiny.

That all being said, I did enjoy the book but the reader must always be careful in being suckered by the content of a fictional book. This isn’t an unbiased, impartial account, irregardless of how well-researched the book may be; its heavily prejudiced, with facts bended or even omitted to ensure the story reaches a conclusion the author undoubtedly endorses. A fantastic novel, but very questionable as a genuine historical account.

Owen Tudor; Father of a Dynasty

Tudors

Welsh and English history is littered with romantic figures, gallant and brave warriors blessed with an innate sense of chivalry and morals that ensure their name lives on in the annals of history. The embodiment of such a character is undoubtedly King Arthur, the mythical Prince whom all later Kings would strive to replicate. Scores of medieval men, inspired by the many retellings of Arthur and his chivalrous Knights, equally endeavoured to adopt such personas in an attempt fulfil their lives according to the sacrament of chivalry.  Owain ap Maredudd ap Tudur was one such 14th century man, blessed with wit, romanticism and martial talent as well as the noble background needed to be considered a chivalric knight.

Son of an Outlaw

Owain ap Maredudd was born around 1400, the same year his father Maredudd’s cousin Owain Glyndwr raised a rebellion against English rule and it is a possibility the child was named for his noble second cousin. By the time Owain was 6 the rebellion and the dream of Welsh Independence had all but been vanquished and his father was dead. Some stories persist that Maredudd actually fled to the mountains of Snowdonia after killing a man and indeed took his son with him whilst other accounts state he escaped to London to raise his household after the family fortune and reputation was irrevocable damaged by the instinctive but ultimately ruinous alliance with Glyndwr. Maredudd’s older brothers Rhys and Gwilym played an integral part in Glyndwr’s rebellion which begun with their ambush on the forces of King Henry IV when he arrived in their native Anglesey determined to wreak vengeance on parts of the population and the local towns in an overt display of martial strength and authority. Henry IV’s imposing force floundered as he was constantly attacked by the Tudor’s guerrilla campaign and was forced into a humiliating retreat to the safety of the marches. Embittered by this encounter, Henry IV issued a proclamation where he endeavoured to pardon every rebel whom dropped arms; a caveat to this pardon was that three people in particular were excluded from pardon – Owain Glyndwr, Rhys ap Tudur and Gwilym ap Tudur. The elder brothers then proceeded to up the ante by capturing one of the King’s most important fortresses at Conwy on April 1st, 1401.

Although Maredudd was now outlawed as a result of the rebellion, under the previous King he had been an accomplished local official, continuing a long tradition of Family service to the ruling Monarch, be they English or Welsh  Princes. He had served as rhaglaw of Malltraeth from 1387 to 1395, burgess of the nearby Newborough and finally as escheator of the Isle of Anglesey itself between 1388 and 1391. These titles and lands however would become forfeited after the rebellion and after the deaths of first Maredudd and then his brothers Gwilym and Rhys, the Tudor family were effectively ruined as a Welsh noble force. Of the limited information available, it appears that Maredudd was employed as an esquire to the Bishop of Bangor in 1405 in the midst of the uprising however it is suspected that by 1407 he had died. Again the circumstances surrounding this frustratingly are almost non-existent but he is not mentioned again after this date. Maredudd did manage to marry just prior to the outbreak of the rebellion and as the respected official he was at the time entered into a union with Margaret ferch Dafydd, daughter of the Lord of Anglesey. It was through this union that their son was born in 1400, just as the world around them collapsed and became fraught with danger and uncertainty. Although not the ideal circumstances to raise a child they persisted and christened the child Owain ap Maredudd, the man whom would shortly become sole male-line survivor of the Penmynydd Tudur’s dominant dynasty which within a decade was crushed as a result of the War of Independence.

There is a lack of information about the exact circumstances surrounding Owain’s early life but what seems clear is that by the age of seven he was at the English court of Henry IV to become a page to the King’s Steward. This may seem unusual since his father, uncles and cousins were fighting against Henry IV in the Welsh war of Independence but the fact remains it was at court where any ambitious man had to be in order to make a fortune and with the Tudur’s on the irredeemable path to catastrophic ruin, London was the only place for Owain to realistically be positioned to advance. Just like all Welshmen in this dire period, Owain would have faced a future in Wales under strict, harsh and oppressive laws imposed by the bitter King Henry IV and although his Welsh nationality would not have made it easy to adapt to life in London or to gain acceptance amongst the locals, with the right guidance and patron there was at least the opportunity to earn a reasonable life. By the time Owain was a teenager he would have been accepted as part of the King’s army as an able adolescent and it is a possibility he saw action in or at least around the infamous Battle of Agincourt in 1415. By this time the King was Henry V and the courageous and warrior-like ruler took a personal part in leading his army to an immortal victory over the French forces. Whatever role Owain played in the battle, or whether he was actually there, soon after he was promoted to the position of “Squire”, a status for boys around the age of 14 or 15 whereby they were essentially apprentice Knights.

 A Squire had many roles that he needed to undertake for the particular Knight that he was assigned to, roles similar to that of a servant but more in keeping with the overall aim of becoming a Knight oneself. Typical roles would include being the Knight’s shield bearer, looking after the Knight’s armour and horses and accompanying the Knight on any battles or recesses. A Knight would have many such Squires and they would all equally be attempting impress their benefactor in order to achieve a dubbing themselves to become a mythical and decorated Knight. Little else is known of his life at this period however it seems he was present in France again around May 1421 in the service of the prominent Sir Walter Hungerford, an English noble and Baron whom was playing a key role as the King’s Steward in the wars with the French. His name during this period was given as Owen Meredith and at the age of around 21 this period would have been his first serious introduction to warfare. It was also around this exciting if dangerous time, although the exact dating is difficult to verify, that he entered the service of the newly widowed dowager Queen Katherine of Valois, surviving wife of the recently deceased King Henry V. This post would have been perhaps the highest position a man of Owain’s background could hope to reach and is more than likely one he entered because of his service to the 1st Baron Hungerford, whom had been steward of the King’s Household himself from July 1415 to July 1421. His role was as Keeper of the Queen’s Wardrobe when she was living at Windsor Castle and the role essentially meant he was in control of the Queen’s tailors, dressers and anything else relating to her wardrobe room. It was also within his remit to handle all inventories of the dresses and to ensure all clothes that were taken on progresses were satisfactorily accounted for when returned. His presence would also ensure that any jewel thieves were discouraged, a common occurrence considering the opulent nature of a Queen’s wardrobe.

Husband to a Queen

There exists no evidence to support how exactly Owain ap Maredudd and Katherine of Valois met, although as a member of her household it is a possibility they would have had some interaction in his role as Keeper of her Wardrobe. Many apocryphal accounts exist to suggest the various ways they met and fell in love although these are generally discredited by serious historians as mere fancy of a more romantic later period. One such account states that Owain was river bathing in the summer sun and Katherine, upon seeing the handsome and tall Owain in the bare flesh, swapped clothes with her maid to introduce herself without betraying her high station. Owain apparently came on too strong after becoming besotted with her and accidently cut the cheek of the ‘maid’ thus ending the lust-driven moment. The next morning when waiting on the Queen as per usual, Owain became aware of the cut on Katherine’s cheek and at once realised with whom he had been with the previous day. The couple reconciled and thus began their loving and loyal relationship. A second story persists which claims that the lowly commoner Owain was intoxicated at Windsor Castle during a typical medieval ball and feeling unsteady on his feet whilst dancing, he tripped and fell into the lap of the seated Queen Katherine. Whichever way Owain first met his future Wife, in the words of 15th Century poet Robin Ddu of Anglesey he “clapped his ardent humble affection on the daughter of the King of the land of wine” and they both fell deeply in love. Robin Ddu originated from the heartland of the Tudor family on the island of Anglesey and as an acquaintance of Owen Tudor it is very possible that he would have retrieved his information directly from the source, or at least have been privy to the information of those close to the couple.

Writing during their grandson’s reign and thus taken with a degree of cynicism surrounding the intention and plausibility of the words, the Italian historian Polydore Vergil wrote: “this woman after the death of her husband…being but young in years and therefore of less discretion to judge what was decent for her estate, married one Owen Tyder, a gentleman of Wales, adorned with wonderful gifts of body and minde, who derived his pedigree from Cadwalleder, the last King of the Britons”. Again due to the clandestine nature of their relationship, as it needed to be as a consequence of the parliamentarian restrictions on Katherine, the date of their actual marriage is unclear but is generally accepted to have been around 1429-1430. Living away from court may have certainly aided in keeping their relationship secret along with some loyal staff whom had pledged their devotion to the couple above that of the strict law of the land. Although such a secretive existence under the threat of constant exposure must have stressed the young and daring couple, their surreptitious marriage prospered without interference. The marriage itself was kept secret due to necessity, after all not only had the Queen broken the act by proceeding without the King’s consent but she had certainly married beneath her privileged and royal station. In 1430 their son Edmund was born at the couple’s Hertfordshire manor Much Hadham House and was followed by Jasper a year later at the Hatfield home of the Bishop of Ely. The following years also brought a third son called Owen and latterly the couple’s first daughter of whom unfortunately there is little known.

Although it seems incredible these days that a full term pregnancy could be comfortably hidden, it must be stressed that in such a period these country retreats operated completely independent of the main Court and were run by servants dependable to those at the top of the local hierarchy. Furthermore the baggy loose-fitting nature of 15th century clothing would have helped conceal such a prominent physical feature such as pregnancy and was regularly utilised in cases where a female had conceived a bastard child. Secrets may not necessarily have been kept in a devious and underhanded manner, but being so far removed from those in power certainly helped prolong the status quo. It must be noted however that although the general public could be relatively sheltered from the matter it is likely that at least some of the main councillors knew of Katherine’s condition and her morganatic marriage. She was particularly noticeable in her absenteeism from the coronation of her son Henry VI as King of her native France at the Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris in December 1431, unlikely to have been an event that she would have willingly neglected to attend and more probably an event from which she was excluded from as punishment for her indiscretion. Particularly of significance around this period was Owain’s granting of “the rights of Englishmen”, a constitutional status conferred upon him that helped free him from the harsh penal restrictions placed upon all Welshmen in the post-Conquest period. Indeed it was still illegal for a Welshman to own a property in England or to marry an Englishwoman.

Although this denizenship was certainly more than the majority of his fellow Welshmen received apart from high ranking subjects whom had proved their worth to the crown during active military service against the French, he was still not granted the full rights. Owen was still barred from becoming a burgess as well as finding himself categorically restricted from holding a crown office in any city, borough or market town in the land. Although he was given permission to acquire land, bear arms, inter-marry with an Englishwoman and run a marital household the fact he still had some restrictions held over him may point to a level of suspicion directed towards him from the authorities. The Welsh, and therefore Owen, were clearly not people to be trusted. It was also possibly around this time that Owain ap Maredudd became Owen Tudor or at least began to be unofficially referred to as this. Undoubtedly his Welsh patronymic style would have caused issues in England for accountants and administrators unused to such a naming system and due to this confusion he had previously been referred to in various ways as Owen ap Meredith, Owen Meredith, Owen ap Tudur and so on. Whether it was through his own choice or through a misattribution by a muddled scribe his name was anglicised to Owen Tudor. What is curious about this action is that it was Tudur that was taken as his surname as opposed to Maredudd, Tudur of course representing the name of his grandfather as opposed to his father. Whilst perhaps not something that particularly caused much of an issue at the time for either Owain or his associates, it did have a direct consequence only a few generations later when the family ascended to the throne of England as the House of Tudor. Children in schools up until the present day very easily could have been studying “The Meredith’s” in history classrooms across the World. It was this name that was subsequently passed onto his own children in the English tradition of surnames passing from the father.

Whilst Edmund and Jasper appear to have been initially brought up by their parents, it would appear that the third brother may have been raised by Monks as unlike his brothers he spend his live serving God at Westminster Abbey and has never been recorded as living with his elder siblings. It was this third son of the brood whom was shown favour by his nephew King Henry VII later in his life when, in one particular instance in 1498, he was gifted the reasonably high sum of £2 by his brother’s son from the Royal Privy purse, recorded for posterity as “Owen Tudder”. When the monk Owen passed away not too long after this favour was shown, donations were also paid to Westminster Abbey to pray for his soul as well as the bell tolling to signify the end of this devout uncle to the King. Whilst Owen the Monk may not have been as great a figure to the religious consciousness of Henry Tudor in the way the King’s treasured half-uncle Henry VI would prove to be, he was nonetheless treated with respect by his illustrious nephew in life and death.

It was whilst heavily pregnant with yet another child that Katherine began to feel ill and she subsequently entered Bermondsey Abbey just south of the Thames, where she gave birth to another daughter Margaret on 1st January 1437. It is a possibility that Katherine was aware she was dying from a fatal disease hence why she felt the need to seek the sanctuary and help of the Abbey nuns in South East London. It may also be a likelihood that far from going willingly to the Benedictine Abbey, she was in fact banished to the Abbey after her marriage was finally uncovered by the King or the Regency Government. As there is a lack of documents from the period to study the circumstances of the marriage will always be shrouded in mystique and doubt, particularly on the issue of when the Council finally became aware of the marriage and whether or not she was in fact banished to the Abbey. Of course it is also plausible that the Council were in fact already aware of the marriage by this point and she merely retired to the Abbey to help ease her pain from the disease that was ravaging her body, possibly terminal cancer or a tumour. Katherine of Valois, mother, sister, wife and daughter of Kings, passed away a few days later on the 3rd January 1437 and her new born child following not long after. Regardless of her status at time of death and the possibility that she had scandalised the crown by marrying a commoner, the indisputable fact remained that Katherine was King Henry VI’s natural mother and therefore she was granted the royal prerogative of the right of burial at Westminster Abbey. She was interred and laid to rest next to her first husband Henry V in the Chantry Chapel, a sacred corner of the historic Abbey which had attained an esteemed reputation as the resting place of England’s revered warrior King.

Whilst Katherine was alive, Owen was safe from the Regency Council and any enemies he may have accumulated but as soon as she passed he found himself vulnerable and utterly exposed. His status as a commoner without any considerable estates or financial worth also proved to be a major disadvantage to his cause, a minor irritant easily crushed by those of a greater status. Clearly aware of the fate that befell him should he answer an urgent summons to court to answer charges relating to breaching the act regarding his marriage without the necessary and legal kingly consent, the wily Owen disregarded the promise of safe conduct and the Welsh adventurer instead sought sanctuary with some Monks in Westminster. Perhaps determining that no good could come from a life spent hiding like his namesake cousin Owain Glyndwr and courageously facing his noble adversaries, Owen managed to acquit himself of all the trumped up charges he faced and was subsequently set free as according to the law. Perhaps eager to escape any lingering hostility and to possibly mend a broken heart Owen began to make his way back to his native Wales, however he was tracked on the way, arrested by his pursuers and found himself officially charged once more by a council eager to punish him for deeds they clearly considered punishable. All of his possessions were seized and he was imprisoned in the notoriously dreary and tough Newgate Prison in the City of London to await punishment.

Robin Ddu again took to his craft to publicly admonish those whom he felt had wrongfully punished his beloved Owen. He loudly exclaimed that this Tudor was “neither a thief nor a robber, he is the victim of unrighteous wrath. His only fault was to have won the affection of a princess of France”. After briefly escaping from custody along with his chaplain and servant at the beginning of 1438 the group were returned to prison in March to continue their sentence before being transported to Windsor Castle. He would remain there until he was bailed in July 1439 with a notice to appear before the king on November 11th that year or at any time the King requested. On November 12th he was unexpectedly pardoned of all charges which suggests he had appeared in front of the king as requested to do so and received his royally sanctioned acquittal. The initial offence was still not mentioned at this point so there still remains a degree of doubt over what exactly Owen Tudor was being punished for although it is reasonable to expect that it was to do with his secret marriage, such was the determination of the council to punish him. Owen Tudor walked free from prison without a wife to begin the second period of his life as a chivalric gentleman, dutiful father and loyal step-father to his King.

The King granted Owen by “especial favour” an annual pension from his own privy purse and was certainly treated favourably by the monarch. Any past bitterness at Owen’s relations with the King’s Mother were certainly forgotten by the kind and personable Sovereign and the Welshman lived on the periphery of court life within the King’s Household. Owen himself was present with many other knights for the witnessing of a charter which was signed in the favour of the prominent Duke of Gloucester in 1440 and was even granted some further land in Surrey two years later in 1442, demonstrating his new, secure position at the court of his stepson. He was also given four further substantial grants by his generous stepson in the form of separate £40 gifts, the first in October 1442 followed by those afforded to him in February 1444, July 1444 and finally September 1444. Additionally an “Owen ap Maredudd” appears to have been included in the court party that journeyed to France in 1444 to bring back the young Margaret of Anjou, the King’s new Queen and although there is no resolute evidence that this was the same man the rarity of such a name around the court makes it almost a certainty this dutiful Welshman was the King’s dear and diligent stepfather. Over the next decade and a half Owen seems to have faded into obscurity for his whereabouts have not been recorded and it is probably that he was away from court tending to his estates, possibly in his native Wales. What is clear is that he would have been heartbroken in 1456 when his eldest son Edmund died at Carmarthen shortly after a skirmish with Yorkist soldiers after which he had been imprisoned. His son was only 26 when he died although he did leave behind Owen’s first grandchild, the young Henry, Earl of Richmond.

Father of a Dynasty

Returning to notice at the outbreak of the Wars of the Roses, Owen was present at a Lancastrian Council meeting in 1459 where he, along with his son Jasper, he stood at the King’s side and swore undying loyalty to his Sovereign Lord and stepson King Henry VI. Both were issued with new estates, Jasper with one of the Duke’s castles and Owen with various manor estates in the Home Counties. Owen himself had also been knighted and was at one point a Deputy Lord Lieutenant and Warden of the Forestries. He had also been granted a further annuity of the substantial figure of £100 from the Royal coffers as well for his service. A Welshman whom had a renowned charisma, he also had seemingly not lost his touch with the opposite sex for he also fathered an illegitimate son around this time whom was called David Owen, or possibly Dafydd ap Owen in the Welsh patronymic style. This half-uncle of King Henry VII was shown royal favour in 1485 and attained the rank of Knighthood primarily due to his kinship to the new king.

Although initially unnamed as being present at the various battles between Yorkist and Lancastrian troops during 1460 and 1461, Owen played an integral part in a battle that took place in the Welsh marches on February 2nd, 1461. In fact, it was to prove his final stand. Both armies came face to face at a small hamlet called Mortimer’s Cross in Herefordshire, roughly six miles north-west of Leominster and deep in the traditional heartland of the Mortimer-York family that the Tudor’s were fighting. Aware that victory was out of grasp after the early exchanges, the Lancastrian army broke ranks and Owen Tudor was eventually captured south of the battlefield whilst looking for a route to escape. An elderly gentleman of around 60-years-old at his time of capture, age may have played a part in Owen Tudor’s failure to escape and amongst the men he was detained by included the Tudor’s longstanding foe Sir Roger Vaughan, kinsman of William Herbert. Despite the joyous occasion of another Yorkist victory, a bitter and still grieving Edward no doubt felt this was an ideal chance to exact a measure of revenge for the death of his own father and brother at a previous battle and promptly ordered that Owen be executed in the nearby township of Hereford. Owen for his part didn’t believe that the execution would be carried out due to his close familial relationship with the Lancastrian royal family and accordingly was relying on his worth as a captive to win him a late reprieve.It was only as he was placed on the execution spot in Hereford’s High Town and his doublet torn from his neck that Owen grasped the realisation that he was to die imminently.

Rather than wailing or begging for mercy like many whom found themselves reduced to trembling wrecks at the moment of their enforced death, Owen Tudor was praised for taking his sentence meekly, obediently and humbly whilst unquestionably considering himself as adhering to the chivalric code he had always strove to honour. Regrettably for the aged and gallant Owen, chivalry was rapidly becoming a remnant of a bygone era, particularly during the height of this bitter dynastic quarrel, and he himself had become the latest victim of a bloody dispute rife with treachery and bereavement. Owen was reputed to have referred to his long-dead wife just before the axe came crashing down upon his neck when he proclaimed “that head shall lie on the stock that was wont to lie on Queen Katherine’s lap”. After the execution was completed a local madwoman recovered the head and spent a lengthy amount of time calmly brushing his hair and washing the blood away from the crimson-covered face, whilst surrounded the entire time by flickering candles in an almost ritualistic scene. The great adventurer and the swashbuckler whom had invigorated and resurrected his ancient Welsh family was no more. It was a sad end to a life that he had certainly fulfilled to its potential, from his obscure beginnings as the fatherless progeny of a failed North Welsh dynasty to the husband of a Queen. Perhaps intentionally due to the final resting place of his son Edmund, Owen was also buried in a Greyfriars Franciscan Church just outside the border town where he was put to death. Depressingly nothing exists today of his final resting place, the monastery closed under the Dissolution of the Monasteries in 1538 and falling into a steep decline shortly thereafter. Unlike his son Edmund, it seems the grave of this brave and courageous family patriarch was not considered worth saving by his prestigious descendent King Henry VIII and the remains are seemingly lost to us for posterity.

Owen Tudor lived his life as a soldier of fortune, a man born into a family which had lost everything and had no prospects. Through his own wit and character he had managed to claw himself up from this lowly beginning to become the husband of the Queen and reviver of his family’s destiny. Owen’s adventures from the hills of Snowdonia to the Royal Palaces of London are often remembered for initiating the start of the House of Tudor which would become a Royal House with the ascension of his grandson Henry Tudor to the throne of England in 1485. In under a century, this family had climbed from minor outlaws in the darkest parts of Wales to the throne of the Kingdom, an incredible and certainly unrivalled rise for which Owen Tudor was greatly responsible. As a Soldier he was tough, brave and believed in chivalrous behaviour. As a man he was handsome, romantic and courtly. Owen Tudor was a proud Welshman, descended from the most prestigious of his small nation’s great leaders, including Hywel Dda and Rhodri Mawr and epitomised the incredible rags to riches rise that has always made popular reading throughout the generations. Owen Tudor, son of Outlaws and Father of Kings, your name remains immortal.

The Princes in the Tower; The Defence Case for Henry VII

Tudors

The Princes in the Tower is one of British history’s greatest tragedies and has long been a spectre looming large over the English Middle Ages in particular. Two young brothers, one 12-years-old and the other just 10, were forcibly removed from public view shortly after their father’s death and were never seen again. The reason this story has resonated through history is for the fact that these two children happened to be Royal Princes; in fact, in the case of the elder child, Edward, he was no longer a Prince but a King. As the only male children of King Edward IV, upon their father’s death at Westminster in 1483 they became the highest ranking nobles in the realm, Edward ascending to the throne as King Edward V whilst his brother becoming the Heir presumptive and maintaining his status as the dual Duke of York and Norfolk. Although still children, the foundations had been set for their dominance of the Kingdom’s governance for the foreseeable future and undoubtedly there were great hopes for these sons of York.

This golden future however would never materialise for the Princes. Shortly after young Edward’s ascension and traditional acknowledgement as King, he was imprisoned by his Uncle Richard, Duke of Gloucester who surreptitiously seized the throne from his nephew. Richard alleged that the brother he had loyally served for the entirety of his reign was in fact illegitimate, thereby rendering his sons not of the true royal line. Further to that, Richard official allegation was that his brother Edward IV had been previously betrothed before his marriage to the Princes’ mother Elizabeth Woodville, thus ensuing any offspring betwixt the two were bastards by the law of the church. It was an act that would become known as Titulus Regius and ensured Richard himself was able to seize the crown as Richard III. It was a controversial move but as the Duke was in all probability the most powerful magnate in the realm and had support amongst other nobles who were in opposition to the detested Woodville faction that compromised the Princes maternal family, he was successful in his coup.

After their imprisonment in the Tower of London in the summer of 1483, although initially spotted playing in the grounds of the Royal fortress they were never seen again and their ultimate fate has endured as one of England’s great mysteries. As a royal murder intrigue, many have resolved to appropriate blame towards various persons of the period, most notably their Uncle Richard III and his successor Henry VII. Other suspects have included the Duke of Buckingham and a Yorkist Knight James Tyrell. Although the case will never be given a conclusive answer, I feel the recent rise in those finding Henry Tudor guilty in spite of the lack of compelling evidence needs to be addressed in a coherent manner. Guilt in a British court can only be ascertained if the defendant has been proved to have committed the crime and not on circumstantial evidence and as such it will be impossible to prove guilt in this case. That said, it is possible to argue the case for a not guilty plea.

Henry Tudor had never met the Princes in question as their paths had never had reason to cross. Henry came from a staunch Lancastrian family; His father Edmund Tudor and uncle Jasper Tudor were the half-brothers to King Henry VI and had therefore valiantly fought for the House of Lancaster until its eventual demise with Henry VI’s death in 1471, possibly at the behest of the aforementioned Richard of Gloucester.  As a result of the fall, Henry was exiled from the Kingdom the same year with his Uncle Jasper and spent his formative years in the Duchy of Brittany. He was 14 when he left and would not set foot in England until a few days prior to the Battle of Bosworth where he defeated Richard III. He was 28 by this point.
Henry Tudor’s claim to the throne was weak to say the least. At time of his ascension there were an estimated 29 other nobles with a greater claim to the throne than his.  Henry’s claim came through his mother Margaret Beaufort who was the sole inheritor of the illegitimate Beaufort line, offspring of John of Gaunt at the end of the 15th century. Directly related from King Edward III through this line, it gave Henry Tudor a slight claim to the throne but due to the plethora of other, legitimate claimants ahead of him this claim remained insubstantial to covet the crown. That is, until Richard III seized the throne from his nephews and targeted any Yorkists who refused to transfer their allegiance from the young boys to him. The result was that Henry suddenly became the person that both exiled Lancastrians and disenfranchised Yorkists flocked towards in order to relieve them from the reign of Richard. The consequence was of course that Henry would mobilise this support and eventually claim the Crown of England through the right of conquest if not predominantly through right of bloodline.
Henry naturally would not have been able to become King of England if the two Princes were still alive, the same issue that Richard faced as King. If Richard was a usurper, then Henry was usurping the usurper and his position was even weaker. The accusation from Ricardian supporters is that once Henry was King, he killed the Princes in order to secure his throne and then married their sister who was now considered the true heir following their death. Henry was now King through right of conquest and through his wife’s legal claim to the crown. Supporters of Richard III thus consider Henry Tudor most likely to be the monster who committed the atrocity against the two Princes, pointing to the ruthlessness of the Tudor dynasty as a whole for supporting this act. But what of the evidence…well, quite simply, there isn’t any.

i) The two Princes were last seen in public around June 1483. They had been noted as playing in the grounds of the Tower of London shortly after imprisonment, presumably content and unaware of their impending fate. Their Uncle had been named their protector and it is probable they felt no harm came to them. With regards to Henry Tudor, without the possibility of a flying visit in 1471 as a teenage boy to visit his half-uncle King Henry VI during the short Readeption, Henry Tudor did not step foot into England until August 1485, two full years after the Princes were last seen. Henry had spent the entirety of their imprisonment as an exile in Brittany, spending his time as a virtual prisoner of the Duke of Brittany and evading capture by King Edward IV.  His influence in England was non-existent and in fact many were not even aware of him or his claim. The idea that Henry Tudor had arranged for the death of the Princes from his base in Brittany is absurd to say the least. No man within Richard’s retinue would seriously consider killing the Princes at the behest of some distant Welshman in a foreign land with no money and no apparent prospects.

ii) If Henry was unable to murder the children through orders from afar, then supporters of Richard III gleefully point out that he certainly could have killed them upon his ascension to the throne of England. As all-powerful King, the Tower of London would have come under his jurisdiction and all prisoners within the walls would fall within his remit. Henry would have jealously guarded his throne and it is an historical fact that both he and his son systematically wiped out the remaining Plantagenet claimants throughout their reigns. One only needs to consider the executions of Edward Plantagenet in 1499 and his sister Margaret Pole in 1541 for evidence of this. However, once again one must wonder why the Princes had not been released by those in the Tower after learning of Henry’s victory in the ensuing weeks before the victor’s arrival in London. Is it likely that the boys were still alive a full two years after their disappearance just for Henry Tudor to finally kill them? Surely someone, somewhere would have released details of this. Many consider Henry VII to be so powerful once he took over that he instantly began rewriting history and destroying the remnants of the Yorkist regime, yet is it not true that Henry faced almost continuous rebellions in his early reign from outcast Yorkists eager to recapture the throne? Surely someone would have made public that Henry was responsible for the deaths of the boys if that was the case. Their silence is in itself telling…the boys had been murdered under the previous Yorkist regime.

 

iii) If the children had not survived until 1485 when Henry Tudor took the throne and thus was able to have access to them, one wonders why had the previous King, Richard, failed to publically display the children in the aftermath of their disappearance two years earlier. Suffering damaging accusations from disenfranchised Yorkists and Lancastrians alike over his role in their disappearance and probable death, if this was not the case then surely it would have been easier to Richard to produce them publically to redeem his reputation somewhat, a reputation don’t forget that arguably cost him his life.

iv) Henry Tudor never sanctioned an official public version which some use against him as an admission of guilt. Of course, it was not in Henry’s interests to dwell on the murder of his brothers-in-law as it merely reminded the people that he had come to the throne because of their tragedy. Another idea that he never revealed their fate is because, as a stranger to the land, he simply did not know. Their fate was clearly a closely guarded secret and is possible that it was taken to the grave by the few who would have been involved in their disposable. If no one qualified their fate to the King, then it was not possible for him to reveal their whereabouts. In the Bill of Attainder that Henry brought against Richard III after the Battle of Bosworth, specific reference to the Princes was omitted although it did carry an obscure mention of Richard’s “shedding of infant’s blood”. This was the closest the Tudor regime officially came to accusing Richard of involvement in the deaths.

v) Although Henry Tudor had as much to gain as King Richard from the deaths of the children, in 1483 Henry was not necessarily a genuine contender to the throne. He was a partner in the so-called Buckingham conspiracy but his prospects as an alternative King to Richard were not particularly promising. Richard however had a great deal to gain in the short term from their deaths and in order for him to secure his crown he had to ensure the Princes could not be used against him. It follows that he was responsible, or at least knowledgeable, of their disappearance after 1483.

vi) James Tyrell was a York loyalist who once confessed to committing the murders on behalf of his patron, Richard III. His evidence is interesting in that he appears to be the only such person to have admitted to the crime although this confession did come under torture by the Tudor regime and therefore considered inadmissible. That said, it is the closest we have come to a confession of any kind and clearly exonerates Henry Tudor from wrongdoing. That is, if one believes Tyrell’s story.

vii) Various contemporary chronicles from the period refer to rumours about the disappearance and murder of the Princes, notably the Croyland Chronicle and the raconteurs Dominic Mancini ad Philippe de Commines who report on rumours of the Princes deaths as early as winter 1483, a date as stated above logistically near-impossible for Henry to have an involvement.  Chronicles were never consistent in their reporting and much of what has been said would be disproved by later antiquarians but nonetheless they remain important insights into the lives of the period they cover and the public feeling.

viii) One primary reason it is unlikely that Henry Tudor was involved in the slaying of the Princes is the very fact that not only did he marry the boy’s sister, but their mother was instrumental in the politicking that brought him to the crown. Elizabeth Woodville was drastically removed from power after the death of her husband and although expected to remain the premier female in the realm through her son, once he had been imprisoned by her brother-in-law Richard her very existence was under threat. By the end of 1483, often considered the period the Princes were done away with, Elizabeth Woodville began conspiring with Henry Tudor’s mother Margaret Beaufort to put Henry Tudor on the throne of England. The provision of this of course was that Henry would have to marry the Princes’ sister, Elizabeth of York, a concession that Henry was only too happy to agree too. The Yorkists loyal to the deceased Edward IV and by extension his sons Edward and Richard quickly defected to Henry Tudor’s cause, led by Elizabeth and the Woodville faction. It is almost impossible to believe that this family would agree to join the cause of Henry Tudor if he was responsible for the deaths of their beloved Princes, or equally if they believed them to still be alive. The Woodville faction allowed the Tudor claim to be realised through Elizabeth of York as they were certain that her brothers were dead and understood they would only remain a degree of power by inserting Elizabeth as Queen. This was duly done and the Woodville’s never regained the power they had enjoyed under Edward’s IV and V.

ix) Henry, as shown, may not have known the fate of the Princes as he had been exiled from the country at the time they disappeared from view. Throughout his early reign Henry was beset with uprisings and rebellions, none more so than the revolt that appeared under the leadership of Perkin Warbeck who claimed to be Richard of Shrewsbury, the younger Prince. Henry’s behaviour during this rebellion was certainly of a nervous nature, unsure who this man was and determined to investigate further. Henry’s alarm at the rising of this “Richard” certainly points to his innocence regarding the murder of the Princes. If he had committed or ordered the act himself, he had no need to become so worried over the rebellion for he would have known the Prince was dead. In reality, Henry was suitably worried enough to crush the uprising with full military strength.

With this in mind, Henry Tudor at best is a minor suspect in the case of the Princes deaths and not a serious one.  He was accepted as a family member by the Princes’ own sister and mother, was not in the country at the time of the death and won the loyalty of men who would never disassociated themselves with the Princes had they believed they still lived. As for the real culprit, the jury still remains undecided. From Richard III to the Duke of Buckingham, and from James Tyrell to perhaps another unidentified suspect, there remains a lack of prove to satisfactorily close the case. In my opinion ultimate responsibility would fall on the shoulders of Richard III. His dying brother’s wish was for his loyal and hardy younger Richard to be Protector of his young sons, both in official office and in a familial capacity. Whether Richard ordered the killing himself or not, the fact remained that the Princes did not receive the protection of his uncle and their tragic death by an unknown source remains something that ultimately he must be held accountable for. No amount of revisionism by the Richard III society will be able to undo this blemish against the character of Richard. Henry Tudor…we therefore find you Not Guilty.

A Visitor’s Companion to Tudor Wales

Tudors

The Tudor era is arguably the pinnacle when it comes to historical tourism in England and over 400 years since the official culmination of the age of Tudor Monarchs in 1603 the industry does not appear to be slowing down in its consistent output of material. Films, Movies and books about the varying characters and personalities continue to prosper whilst tourist attractions such as the Tower of London and Hampton Court Palace see visitor numbers at record highs. William Shakespeare’s work continues to be used in schools up and down the country whilst eminent historians like Lucy Worsley, Suzannah Lipscomb and the ever-controversial David Starkey are regularly found discussing their views on a myriad of television and radio programmes. “Tudor England” in itself has become a well-known phrase that covers many aspects of the era, particularly architecture and the lifestyle. Many towns and cities pride themselves on the remnants of this period, including Chester, York, Cambridge and particularly Statford-Upon-Avon, the celebrated hometown of the aforementioned Shakespeare. Major events in the history of England also took place under the rule of the successive Tudor Monarchs of Henry VII, Henry VIII and his three children Edward VI, Mary I and Elizabeth I. The battle of Bosworth in 1485 where the Tudor’s ascended to the throne is often considered the beginning of the Modern English nation, whilst under Henry VIII came the incredibly important English Reformation and break with the Roman Catholic Church that ultimately set first England and then Britain on a distinct course separate from Continental Europe that endures to this day. Other infamous events include the defeating of the Spanish Armada and the dissolution of the Monasteries, whilst prominent English personalities such as Sir Thomas Cromwell, Sir Thomas More, Sir Francis Drake and of course Queen Anne Boleyn retain a degree of notoriety half a century after they walked the land in which they prospered. Suzannah put it perfectly in her recently acclaimed guide “A Visitor’s Companion to Tudor England” by stating “As a nation, we have a continuing obsession with our notorious ‘Bluebeard’ Henry VIII, and our famed ‘Gloriana’ Elizabeth I. Their lives – one much married, the other unmarried – are part of our common currency of ideas. Their age attracts us because it has all the best stories; the break from Rome and Catholicism, wives beheaded or cast aside, boy-kings, dissolved monasteries, Protestant martyrs, the Spanish Armada, New Worlds and some of the best characters”. That the Tudors shaped the modern English nation and gave birth to English nationalism in particular is undeniable.

This being said, the Tudors patrilineally were a Welsh dynasty and whilst England was unquestionably the focus and location of the major machinations and intrigues of the period, Wales did not fully escape unscathed from the architecture and events of the 16th century or the years preceding. Wales had been conquered by the previous Plantagenet Kings of England and for all intents and purposes was merely another constituent part of the Kingdom of England. Unlike the separate and self-governing Kingdom of Scotland, what affected England had a direct impact in Wales. However whereas Tudor England begins in 1485 when Harri Tudur ascended to the throne upon the death of King Richard III, the dynasty from which he hailed has a much longer history in the Land of his Fathers. The English locations are in many cases famous and known to people around the world, from your “Hampton Court’s” and “Hever Castle’s” to your “Tower of London’s” and “Westminster Abbey’s”, but Wales’ connections tend to be much more obscure and in many cases completely unknown even to those with a great interest in the Tudors. This is not to say that they deserve to be overlooked however and those with more than a passing interest in the Tudor dynasty may find new locations to become enamoured with. It is vital to note that the following locations that I will review will have little to do with the Tudor Monarchs themselves but will primarily concern either their ancestors or subjects. With apologies to Dr Lipscomb for clearly adapting her innovative idea, welcome to a “Visitor’s Companion to Tudor Wales”.

Tenby Town

Tenby, or Dinbych-Y-Pysgod to give its Welsh name, is a thriving seaside resort on the Pembrokeshire coast that has managed to retain its traditional charm somewhat in spite of the droves of tourists that can be found flocking through its streets each summer. Overlooking the Carmarthen Bay, Tenby has all the perfect components that constitute a stereotypical British seaside getaway, including a promenade and a bustling beach. With colourful houses nestled tightly inside the dramatic Pembrokeshire coast, Tenby has built up a reputation as one of Wales’ top tourist spots and remains a favourite for those whom prefer holidaying in the UK as opposed to flying to warmer climes. As an historic seaside port, Tenby has played a major part in the history of the region, none more so than during the latter parts of the 15th century when the major power in the area was Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke and uncle to the Henry Tudor. As half-brother to the beleaguered Lancastrian King Henry VI, Jasper Tudor was unwavering in his loyalty to his sovereign in the face of a vicious challenge from the various Yorkist pretenders. Adopting Tenby as the centre of his powerbase in South West Wales, one of Jasper Tudor’s first implementations to the town was to expand on the impressive 13th century walls that surround the settlement. As a Norman Marcher Lord town, Tenby found itself under threat from the native Welsh princes and was razed to the ground by the great Prince Llywelyn of Gwynedd in 1260, causing alarm amongst the citizens and ensuring that the walls would be improved and strengthened. When based at Tenby during the height of the Wars of the Roses, Jasper ordered the mayor and the town’s burgesses to further reinforce the fortifications should he and his supporters find themselves under attack. His main aim appears to have been to thicken the town’s walls by an incredible 6 feet and further increasing the height to dominate the area. Today the remains of these walls can still be viewed at various points throughout the town, although none of the ruins capture the imagination like the impressive Barbican gate known colloquially as the Five Arches, a gateway that lets the visitor imagine they are a visiting 15th century soldier or merchant. One thing must be noted here is that four of the smaller arches were only made in the 19th century to allow greater access into the town for the increasing needs of the Victorians, although the larger arch is the very gateway from the 15th century albeit unfortunately without the portcullis.

Once through the town walls, located in the centre of Tenby is St Mary’s Church, an Anglican Communion member of the diocese of St David’s and a constant in the religious history of the town since at least the 13th century, although it is often believed to have existed for even longer. Today’s church has had many improvements over the years but the majority of the remains come from the 15th century and the time when young Harri Tudur and his Uncle Jasper Tudor would have known the area. The imposing spire itself was added in the 15th century when Tenby was at its prosperous peak and was a landmark of the area, improving the impressive 13th century tower on which it stands. The tower itself can be climbed and once on top the visitor has fine views across the harbour port, as well as the tight houses, town walls and narrow streets giving a glimpse of how the town grew around the water. The high viewpoint also allows breath-taking views out to sea of Caldey Island and across Carmarthen Bay, particularly on a clear summer’s day. With regards to the 15th and 16th century Tudor connections, the church contains several memorials of local figures including a remembrance tablet to Robert Recorde, court physician to King Edward VI and Queen Mary Tudor and notable as the man whom is the father of Algebra, Arithmetic and Geometry. Of the remembrances however none are more prominent than that of the town mayor Thomas White. Mayor White earned a degree of fame for his actions in 1471 when, after the disastrous defeat of the House of Lancaster at the Battle of Tewkesbury, Jasper Tudor collected his teenage nephew Henry Tudor and escaped to his stronghold in Tenby. Hunted by the Yorkist army and undoubtedly realising that his young charge Henry was now the de facto head of the Lancastrian faction, Jasper allegedly hid in tunnels underneath the town before being led to a waiting ship in the harbour with Thomas White’s assistance. This escape from the harbour ensured Henry’s life was not ended before he had reached adulthood and set in motion his future invasion. Mayor White, together with his son John whom would also become Mayor of Tenby, was one of the merchant’s whom had made a successful living from the harbour and lived at Jasperley House, situated in the centre of the town where the modern Boots now has pride of place. The tombs of both Mayors, father and son, have pride of place in St Mary’s Church which is on the very doorstep of the small area in which they were a dominant force in the late 15th century. Behind Boots stands another large townhouse under which the Tudors were said to have escaped through the cellar tunnels and today it is on here that a blue plaque stands, reading “It is said that Henry Tudor (Later King Henry VII) escaped through a tunnel here in 1471 when he fled to France”. Opposite this lies a bright pink coloured building which is titled “Richmond House”, undoubtedly as a nod towards the Earl of Richmond whom once crawled from captivity below the very streets the house is built on.

The harbour itself lies behind this building and it was from here that Henry and Jasper fled to Brittany in a large Barque, passing St Catherine’s Island as they did so. Today the island is better known for the large fort that sits ominously on the rock and which was built during the Victorian era to protect the coast from a French threat. During the 15th century however the Island was actually the property of Jasper Tudor himself, and one wonders what he must have thought as he sailed past his property and out to sea in 1471 for an uncertain existence. Tenby today may be a nice tranquil seaside resort however in the Walls, Merchant House, Five Arches Gate and St Catherine’s Island still holds many links to its bygone era when it was a place of strategical importance to the Tudor family. Although St Catherine’s Island is currently under private ownership the rest of the locations are open year around and is certainly a pleasant to spend a day wandering around.

Tenby Merchant’s House

Tenby’s Merchant House is exactly what the name suggests, a merchant’s house situated in the heart of the Pembrokeshire coastal resort of Tenby, and a wonderful relic of how the emerging middle class prospered during the early Tudor reign. Built at the end of the 15th century, this three story house would have belonged to a successful merchant in the town and allows the visitor to step back in time to see how a Tudor businessman and his family would have lived. Operated by the National Trust for 75 years, the Merchant’s House allows the visitor to sample Tudor furniture, discover an array of the era’s exotic spices and also ascertain how a family operated within such confines.  Situated in the very town that Henry VII’s uncle Jasper had made his stronghold during the bloody Wars of the Roses, by the year 1500 the prospering town’s position out west of the Island ensured a busy sea trade with nations such as Spain and Portugal and guaranteed a scintillating and eventful existence for those whom took advantage of such a natural advantage.

The Merchant himself would have operated from his shop in the front of the house and amongst other things would have enjoyed a brisk trade in selling products he had obtained such as wool, vinegar and various exotic spices and salts. Other vital commodities that would have been imported from abroad would have included Irish Linen, Wine from Gascony and even Sugar from Portuguese territories. In return the merchants would also use the bay to export goods such as coal and wool to make money. When you first walk into the entrance from Bridge Street, you purchase your ticket in the hallway that seemingly doubles up as both a shop and a mini exhibition of the various spices on offer. Going through into the house proper you are met by a large table in the middle of the room and the great fireplace on the opposite wall, the table full of herbs and bread emphasising that you are in the kitchen area. As the outside stairs have long been demolished, you can make your way up a modern stairway into the first floor which was the communal living space for all the family. The first table you come across has various 15th century children’s toys scattered on it whereas in the corner of the room is situated the latrine, similar to others of the age consisting of nothing more than a hole in the floor and a deep drop down to the cesspit. Also in the room is the high table for the merchant himself and imitation tapestries along the wall, including one which prominently features Jasper Tudor himself. Escalating up the final stairway, you come into the bedroom of which the centrepiece is the master bed, accompanied with another fireplace, fine wooden timbering in the roof and magnificent views out to sea for the merchant to keep a close eye on those coming and going. Today, under the protection of the National Trust, the Merchant’s House has effectively become a living house again with demonstrations of the period enjoying visitors from all areas and backgrounds eager to see with their own eyes the way the other half lived during these exciting times. With actors in Tudor costumes undertaking 15th and 16th century daily chores under the auspices of historians it is a place worth visiting to transport one’s self back 500 years. As said earlier, the house is situated just off Bridge Street in the centre of the town and this historic townhouse is open from Sunday to Friday during the months of April to October and can be seen for the reasonably low price of only £3.20.

Dale

After Henry Tudor, deposed Earl of Richmond, was lauded as the heir to the Lancastrian claim by the few remaining nobles loyal to the seemingly lost cause of the Red Rose it was only a matter of time before he attempted to land back in England from his place of exile in both Brittany and France. In 1483 a landing was attempted in the South West of England but King Richard III’s forces were plentiful on the coast and Henry was forced to abandon his plans. That Henry Tudor was of a respected Welsh bloodline is undisputed, and coupled with both his Pembrokeshire birth and his uncle Jasper’s standing in the region, the inspired decision was taken to land in the Milford Haven area of West Wales in 1485. In any event, the mercenary force of Henry Tudor finally landed in Mill Bay near to the village of Dale in the extreme Western part of Pembrokeshire. The date was August 7th, 1485 and Dale marked the beginning of Henry’s arduous march through Wales and England to meet the forces of King Richard III, ultimately at the now infamous Battle of Bosworth field on August 22nd, 1485 where he became King Henry VII of England and France, Prince of Wales and Lord of Ireland.

Today Dale remains a still minor village of around only 200 people and one can walk from the village centre down to Mill Bay by following the Pembrokeshire national coastal path. The bay itself is rather secluded and the surrounding cliffs would have helped to shelter the landing forces. A plaque stands at the bay today marking the spot where Henry would have alighted from his ships onto the land of his birth. Nearby, just outside Dale in fact as you drive back in-land on the B4327 you may notice on the side of the road small walkway. If you stop your car and walk along it you will realise it’s actually the small Mullock bridge from a bygone era before the modern road was built. Situated in such a rural area one wonders just how often this bridge welcomes human visitors for it is in an area where the only reason people will be there is driving past at high speeds to and from Dale. This bridge is reputed to be the crossing from the legend that accompanies Henry’s landing. In 1485 the major power in the South Welsh region was the Welshman Rhys Ap Thomas, grandson of the prominent leader Gruffydd ap Nicholas and a man whom in fact clashed with Henry Tudor’s father Edmund during the early years of the Wars of the Roses before becoming ardently loyal to the Welsh Lancastrian cause under Edmund’s brother Jasper. After refusing to support Henry Tudor and the Duke of Buckingham’s uprising in 1483 a thankful King Richard III made Rhys ap Thomas his principal lieutenant in the region. Although obligated to provide one of his sons to Richard as a hostage to ensure continuing loyalty, as was the common practice of the time, Rhys manoeuvred out of this by stating that his word and his conscience were sufficient. He is reputed to have stated that whomever landed in Wales would only be successful should it be over “over my belly”. The insinuated meaning was clear; Rhys ap Thomas would need to be killed for anyone to pass through his lands. In the event, Rhys did switch to Henry’s side but was somewhat troubled by his oath. As he had promised that Henry could only pass through over the belly of Rhys, it was decided that Rhys would stand underneath this bridge whilst Henry and his forces marched above. Thus Henry crossed over the belly of Rhys and he was absolved of his oath. Conscience clear, Rhys ap Thomas went on to become a valued acquaintance of Henry during the remainder of their lifetimes and found himself rapidly knighted and bestowed with titles and land in the aftermath of the Bosworth victory. In order to capture a similar mood to what Henry must have felt back in 1485, I suggest visiting the area in August, or at least on a warm summer’s day complete with blue skies for a pleasant stroll around this extreme westerly coast of Pembroke that is brimming with Tudor history.

Lamphey Bishop’s Palace

Lamphey is a quiet, unassuming village in Pembrokeshire which today is primarily noted merely as a settlement which you pass through on the A4139 road from Tenby to Pembroke, situated only 2 miles from Lamphey itself. As the Earl of Richmond a loyal subject to his half-brother King Henry VI, Edmund was instructed in 1455 to reassert the King’s authority in the wilderness that tended to be the West Wales heartlands, capitalising on his Welsh pedigree to earn the respect of the people in a way that an Englishman drafted in would never be able to. During this time Edmund Tudor based himself at the impressive Bishop of St David’s Palace at Lamphey, a plush retreat a few miles outside of Pembroke town itself and seemingly a location the Earl of Richmond found relaxing. The location was and still is situated in the middle of sprawling forest and parkland which together with the fishponds and orchards ensured everything the Earl required was openly available. The Bishop himself was John de la Bere whom whilst never living in his own diocese was a keen favourite of King Henry VI, thus ensuring that he and the Earl were keen acquaintances from the outset. It was at Lamphey palace that Edmund had honeymooned with his young bride and seems very possible that it was here at his Pembrokeshire headquarters that his son was conceived sometime during 1456. Today the palace is a ruin albeit with substantial remains that allow you to picture how the retreat would have appeared to the visitor in the 15th century. When you arrive outside the palace you are simply met with a plain outer wall that cleverly belies the magnificence that lies inside. As you enter the courtyard for the first time you realise you are standing in a ruin that has incredibly avoided becoming just another busy tourist attraction.

In the middle lies a tower that stands alone amongst the lush green grass of the court, an undeniably romantic location. In the furthest corner of the yard lies the bulk of the remains, from the great hall to the perfectly intact cellar underneath. It would have been here that the living quarters of Edmund Tudor and his young wife Margaret Beaufort would have been situated and certainly a picturesque area of solace. Lamphey can be visited during the spring and summer period from April to October for only £3.20

Carew Castle

Pembrokeshire, the county that gave birth to Henry Tudor and with it arguably the Tudor Dynasty, is a region resplendent in castles and forts from its period as an important marcher location in suppressing the local Welsh resistance during the Norman advances after 1066. None of these Norman buildings are more striking than Carew Castle, a castle you first glimpse as you drive past it on the A477 between Carmarthen and Pembroke Dock as it rises into view on your right. Entering through the castle through a small outer gatehouse, the sheer size inside is surprising for a castle relatively unknown to those whom aren’t local to the area. With architecture that is fairly common to most castles, including the standard ruins of a great hall, courtyard and chapel, what particularly stands out about Carew Castle is the amount and the size of the window’s both on the inner castle walls and the outer structure itself. In fact it is the large D-shaped towers that face the visitor as they approach the castle with their marvellously modelled windows that first make an impression. Whilst the castle’s history is of the typical Marcher type, owned by a powerful Norman-descended family in the region, with regards to Tudor links the castle’s most notable connection begins after the Battle of Bosworth when it was passed into the possession of Sir Rhys ap Thomas, the powerful Welsh noble whom ruled over South Wales with a king-like authority.

After lying down underneath Mullock Bridge near Dale and accompanying his distant kinsman Henry Tudor to the Battle of Bosworth, Rhys ap Thomas’ allegiance to the winning side proved to be a wise decision. Rewarded with a knighthood as well as lands, his increased income under the sovereignty of his new master Henry VII allowed Sir Rhys the opportunity to extend and improve the property that he owned, particularly his new acquisition in Carew. Although the new apartments that he constructed have since descended into ruins, one key component that can still be marvelled at is the Tudor windows that help transform this fortress from being just another dull remnant of the middle ages. Inside the castle there appears one more notable site of interest. Above a stairway in the inner courtyard remains three concrete coat of arms. With close study it is easy to detect that they are those of Henry VII, his first son Prince Arthur of Wales and his new wife Catherine of Aragon. As Prince Arthur would die as a teen and before he inherited his father’s kingdom and his wife would eventually become the bride of his brother, it is possible to date these coats of arms around the beginning of the 16th century at somepoint before 1502. Carew Castle’s crowning moment would come in 1507 when Sir Rhys would hold an incredible celebration of the reign of Henry VII with a great tournament of jousting and general revelry. The tournament was allegedly attended by around 600 knights alone and proceeded for 5 days, culminating in a show of such magnificence it would remain talked about for many years to come. Although Sir Rhys would retain his power and prove his allegiance to the son of his beloved patron, the relationship between his family and the Tudors would be severed in 1531 when Rhys’ grandson Rhys ap Gruffudd was executed by an increasingly tough Henry VIII for treason. With this action the castle itself reverted to crown property before becoming acquired by a certain John Perrott in 1558, an alleged illegitimate son of Henry VIII. Carew Castle is a wonderful place to visit and is a location that seemingly bridges the gap between a medieval castle and a renaissance palace well. Carew is open from April to October and can be visited for £4.75.
Pembroke Castle

Certainly the most well-known location in Wales with a clear Tudor link, Pembroke Castle was the very birthplace of Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond from birth and through a fortunate blend of circumstances eventual King of England. A fortress has been at Pembroke since before Norman times although in a similar manner to other castles throughout the area it was the Norman Marcher lords themselves whom fortified the small town on the estuary. Presented to Jasper Tudor in 1452 along with his new semi-regal Earldom of Pembroke by Jasper’s half-brother Henry VI, Pembroke Castle was an imposing and well-constructed fortress that overlooked the River Cleddau and offered ample protection and security. One of the particular claims that those whom held Pembroke Castle would regularly boast is that it had never been taken by the Welsh in battle and had even remained secure during the Glyndwr uprising. In fact it may have dismayed Norman Earls of Pembroke such as William Marshal to discover that the castle itself was now effectively in Welsh control under the possession of Jasper.

It was in one of the outer wards to the west of the main gate on 28th January 1457 that the 13-year-old Margaret brought her young son into the world. As well as her young age, the new mother was also very slender and had a small frame not suited to the rigours of child birth and by all accounts it was a very difficult pregnancy. In fact it probably rendered her infertile for the remainder of her life as there were no other accounts of her baring child. The child was sickly soon after his birth and good care by both his mother and the attendant nurses seem to be the core reason for this young babe not becoming yet another statistic for the high infant mortality rates of the time. Although the son was called Henry, a regal English name and possibly in tribute to the child’s half-uncle Henry VI, a later tradition suggested the original name was in fact Owain. Although no contemporary evidence exists to corroborate this account, it is interesting to note nevertheless that the aforementioned Welsh prophecies suggested an Owain would come to lead the Welsh as their Mab Darogan, or son of prophecy. Perhaps the story has some truth, although the likelihood is that it was an apocryphal story from a Welsh bard looking to further increase the myth surrounding this Welsh-born child. By blood Henry of Richmond, for he had inherited his dead father’s Earldom upon birth as was his hereditary right, was one quarter French, one quarter Welsh and half English but with his birthplace and father’s nationality considered most valid under patrilineal descent, it is indisputable which nation would claim Harri Tudur as their own.

Today Pembroke Castle is still a fantastic place to visit and arguably unrivalled in South Wales, its outer walls covering an incredibly large area. The inner court is largely empty as previous buildings have long crumbled although the centrepiece of the fortress, the Great Keep, stands proud and with its height can be renowned as one of the largest of its kind in the UK. Although sadly Pembroke in general is sadly lacking in monuments to its historic past as a birthplace to a king, one particular outer ward tower in the castle is proudly termed the “Henry VII tower”. Inside is an exhibition containing the scene surrounding the moments after the birth of the baby Henry with life-size statues of Margaret Beaufort and her nurses looking after the young infant. Pembroke Castle should do more to attract tourism and could, with the right ideas, become just as important a Tudor location as anything England can offer as the birthplace of a dynasty. Nevertheless, the castle still remains an attractive place to spend a day and should be visited at least once. Entrance is £5.50 and it is open daily.

St David’s Cathedral

St David’s Cathedral is the spiritual home of the Welsh nation and has remained so for almost 1500 years since its founding in the 6th century. Situated on the West Welsh coast in Pembrokeshire, the Cathedral has had a storied and often turbulent history, from being sacked by the marauding Vikings in the 8th century to its tragic slighting by Cromwellian forces in the 17th century. The vulnerability of the cathedral was such that unlike many holy buildings which were built on high land, St David’s is built deep into the valley floor in an attempt to avoid detection by any passing ships eager to loot its belongings. The importance of St David’s was such that by the medieval period it was state that two pilgrimages to the altar were equal to one to the Vatican, the home of the Catholic Church itself. Often used as a place of sanctuary by terrorised Princes and nobles during times of strife and upheaval, to be buried in the grounds was also considered a desirable way to leave the mortal world.

One notable tomb within the Cathedral is that of the Lord Rhys ap Gruffydd, one of Wales’ greatest leaders and the man credited with creating the modern Eisteddfod. Rhys ap Gruffydd’s standing in Welsh history is such that he was recently included in a compilation of the top 100 Welsh heroes of all time. Whilst he became known as the Lord Rhys in the aftermath of his lifetime he was referred to more appropriately during his time by his titles, commonly called the Prince of Deheubarth whilst some other documents even listed him as a Prince of Wales in his own right in direct rivalry to the Princes of Gwynedd and North Wales. His preferred title however seemed to be proprietarius princeps Sudwalliae which translated as the rightful Prince of South Wales, leaving us in no doubt about the domain that he extended his rule over. Whilst the Lord Rhys is a revered Welsh hero in his own right, this noted Prince is also a direct ancestor of the Tudor dynasty through his daughter Gwenllian ferch Rhys, whom married Ednyfed Fychan, a North Welsh noble in the employ of the Princes of Gwynedd. Ednyfed himself is generally referred to as the founder of the Tudor family as the first member of his Brynffanigl bloodline to achieve high status due to his loyal and diligent service to his patrons. From Ednyfed and Gwenllian, Henry Tudor would be their great-great-great-great-great-great-grandson. Also interred in St David’s Cathedral and of more pressing interest to those with a Tudor interest is another of the Lord Rhys’ direct descendants…Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond and father to Henry VII.  Ennobled by his half-brother Edmund Tudor, as detailed under the Carmarthen Castle entry Edmund died at the castle in 1456 only months before the birth of his son and heir Henry at Pembroke. Originally buried in the Greyfriars in Carmarthen, his remains were moved to their current location in St David’s Cathedral just under a century later when his grandson Henry VIII would order the Dissolution of the Monasteries in 1536 as part of the English reformation movement.

Edmund’s tomb was placed near the altar in the Cathedral, a fitting resting place for a man whom gave birth to Wales’ greatest dynasty. The epitaph that appears around his tomb declares: “under this marble stone here inclosed resteth the bones of that most noble lord Edmond Earl of Richmond father and brother to kings, the which departed out of this world in year of our lord God MCCCCLVI the third of the month of November: on whose soul Almighty Jesu have mercy”. St David’s Cathedral is always worth a visit regardless of Tudor links although this tomb only serves to improve the experience. Most Kings of England were in themselves the sons of the previous King and as such most tombs find themselves in the Royal burial areas such as Westminster Abbey or Windsor, so this tomb of a King’s Father in the most westerly confines of the Island is certainly worth a visit. As a working cathedral, St David’s is often open most days of the year and although free, donations are always welcome.

St Peter’s Church, Carmarthen

Carmarthen itself is one of the oldest towns in Britain and St Peter’s Church, as the town’s original place of religious worship, remains the oldest building in the region that is still used for its original purpose. As tends to be the case, its exact date of foundation is unknown and probably lost to us forever but it appears to have been a working church from the early 12th century. As the churchyard is circular in shape, a Celtic practice as opposed to a Norman one, one theory is that a church existed here before the Norman Conquest. Noted as one of the largest churches in the St David’s Diocese, it consists of a large tower, chancel, nave and particularly a South Aisle which holds an acute Tudor connection. It is here that Sir Rhys ap Thomas’ tomb can be found after it was moved from its original resting place in the Grey Friars monastery which would be closed down under Henry VIII’s Dissolution of the Monasteries act. As stated under the Dale entry, Sir Rhys ap Thomas was vital in allowing Henry Tudor to progress through Wales unhindered and joined up with his new master to fight on his side at the Battle of Bosworth in August 1485. The two men were actually distant kinsmen and upon Henry’s ascension to the throne Rhys found himself not only knighted but also rewarded with titles such as Justicar of South Wales, effectively King-like jurisdiction in the area. Continuing to be loyal to Henry VII, Sir Rhys ap Thomas helped the king to defeat two royal pretenders in Lambert Simnel and Perkin Warbeck and for his resolute loyalty again found himself rewarded, this time bestowed with the incredibly prestigious Order of Knight of the Garter. To celebrate this astounding achievement of a Welshman being inducted into England’s highest Order of Chivalry Sir Rhys ap Thomas held a lavish celebration at his luxurious home Carew Castle in April 1507. Considered to be larger and grander than anything ever seen previously, Rhys also held a tournament for the hundreds of nobles to compete in with the extravaganza lasting 5 days in all. After the death of Henry VII in 1509, Sir Rhys ap Thomas remained sincerely loyal to his son Henry VIII as well and remained in total control in South Wales until his death. His tomb in St Peter’s south aisle can still be viewed and is certainly worth a visit to pay respects to a man without whom Henry Tudor would never have stepped foot off Mill Bay. Visits can be made during the day and as with most church’s is completely free, although donations are welcome.

Carmarthen Castle

Not much remains of Carmarthen Castle today, apart from a few small ruins that stand unobtrusively next to the looming town hall. Constructed on the banks of the River Tywi by the Norman Marcher Lords that settled in Wales in the aftermath of the Norman Conquest, the building was more than likely build on existing fortifications that remained from the time Carmarthen was a major Roman town called Moridinum. The castle would be the scene of some brutal battles between the English lords in control of the region and the local Welsh princes eager to take back ownership of their nation. Indeed this would continue even after the conquest of Wales was complete, with Owain Glyndwr sacking the castle in 1405 as part of his War of Welsh Independence campaign. Tudor involvement in Carmarthen Castle began in 1456 when the newly-enobled Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond and half-brother to King Henry VI was posted to West Wales in order to impose the authority of the king in a region noted for its lawlessness and rebellious locals. Edmund Tudor was in his mid-20’s and also newly married to the prestigious and wealthy heiress Margaret Beaufort, inheritor of the Beaufort estate and with it a flimsy claim to the title through her direct ancestor John of Gaunt. It was this link that would eventually result in their first and only child Henry becoming the Lancastrian heir to the throne in his teen years. Edmund would have been keen to prove himself to his brother and to any other nobles whom were against his sudden rise to the peerage. It was during Edmund’s posting to West Wales to battle such local chiefs as Gruffydd ap Nicholas that the Wars of the Roses began in earnest as the Duke of York Richard Plantagenet finally confirmed his desire to be crowned King of England in place of his weak cousin Henry VI of Lancaster.

Loyal to his half-brother, Edmund found himself under threat at Carmarthen Castle and besieged by Yorkist forces primarily under the leadership of William Herbert of Raglan. Imprisoned, it was either whilst locked up or shortly after being released that Edmund Tudor, father of the future King of England, died. Edmund officially died of the plague in November 1456 and was buried in the Greyfriars church in Carmarthen. He never got to witness the birth of his son, whom was born three months later at his brother’s residence at Pembroke Castle. Today the castle can be approached from inside the town at Nott Square where one of the gates still remains an impressive structure despite its ruined state. This is about as good as it gets as the castle only has minor ruins once you progress through the gate  with only one wall and one crumbling tower standing to view. Nevertheless, you are standing within metres of the place of death of the father of the first Tudor king and this makes Carmarthen Castle a place to visit in itself.

Beaumaris Castle

Beaumaris Castle is located in the town of the same name on the extreme south eastern tip of Anglesey and on the edge of the Menai strait. Conceived just after the conquest of Wales and built not long afterwards, this impressive and large fortress was designed as an impregnable defensive mechanism against any rebellions or uprisings by the native Welsh and became one of King Edward I’s famous North Welsh strongholds. Beaumaris castle today in fact is a key component of the World Heritage Site designated as the “Castles and Town Walls of King Edward in Gwynedd”, and with Beaumaris being derived from the Anglo-Norman word for “beautiful marshes” it gives some insight into the attractiveness of the area. The location of Beaumaris was designed to be provocative to the Welsh and to remind them of their new position as subjects of the crown of England. Indeed it was a painstaking monument to the loss of freedom for those men of Gwynedd whom went about their oppressed living under the dominant shadow of the great structure.

It was positioned on the Anglesey side of the Menai to be precisely opposite the historic royal court and palace of Abergwyngregyn and was designed to be larger and more lavish than the native Welsh llys could ever hope to be. What makes Beaumaris Castle particularly an exciting place to visit is not only the wonderfully concentric design, but the perfect symmetry with which the Castle was constructed. From the air the castle’s design is breath-taking and the sheer scale of engineering innovation needed to construct such a fortress in the 13th century cannot be understated. The inner ward itself includes 4 large towers in each corner with two more on the north and south walls. Impressively on both the east and west inner wall is two D-shaped towers on each side compromising the gigantic gatehouses. The smaller outer wall, which was designed to repel any initial attack on the fortress, was an octagonal creation peppered with many smaller towers at every angle. With every castle requiring a Constable to keep control and ensure the smooth running of the property, there are two former constables of Beaumaris with Tudor links. The Tudors of nearby Penmynydd were amongst the most powerful clan in North West Wales both before Conquest when they were dutiful servants to the Princes of Gwynedd and also in the post-conquest period when they diligently began to serve the English king. No English king received better service from Welshman than did King Richard II, in particular from Goronwy ap Tudor and his loyal brothers Ednyfed, Gwilym, Rhys and Maredudd. It was through Maredudd that Henry Tudor was directly descended from whom was his great-grandson. Goronwy held various positions of distinction and it’s an inclination to suggest he must have provided a valiant, loyal and dutiful service to King Richard, for whom the Tudur’s of Penmynydd were closely associated as stated. Known titles afforded to Goronwy included being named as a forester of Snowdon in a way reminiscent of his father, solidifying the reputation of the family yet again as a dynasty of achievement in their native area. Perhaps most significantly for this generation was Goronwy’s appointment as Constable of Beaumaris Castle in March 1382, unusual in its implementation since the Edwardian fortress had been built in 1295 and in its existence had seen only one other Welshman had been inserted into such a role. As Beaumaris was an efficient representation of English authority in the island it was undeniably remarkable for Goronwy to find himself thrust into such a prominent role. These kind of responsible and high profile appointments had previously been the monopoly of Englishmen, those known and trusted to the wary and suspicious rulers in London and presumably free from the risk of rebellion against the Crown. As Constable, Goronwy’s expected role was to essentially guard the fortress for the resident Lord whom would often not be present. The Constable would effectively be at the top of the hierarchy in his stronghold and would be in control of all those employed to keep the Castle in full and safe working order. His responsibilities would include ensuring the fortress was readily armed in case of any attack and safeguarding any persons whom were in the care of the Castle. Additionally he would be accountable for keeping the castle functioning and in particular replenished with food and drink. It was a role of privilege that many could never hope to aspire to. Regrettably for Goronwy ap Tudur, he never got to truly reap the benefits of his high appointment as only four days after his exciting appointment he seemingly drowned in a Kentish port in the South East of England. Another Constable of Beaumaris Castle was the Breton Roland de Velville whom was put in charge of the castle during the reign of Henry VIII between 1509 and 1535. The long held myth, although widely discredited by some modern Historians, is that Roland de Velville was in fact the illegitimate son of Henry Tudor from the future King’s time in exile in Brittany as a young man. Velville would prove to be undoubtedly loyal to his master and would find himself staying in England after the Bosworth campaign in 1485. Knighted sometime after and remaining in the employ of Henry, Roland eventually took over the traditional Tudor lands in Penmynydd and Anglesey which only furthered rumours that he was inheriting lands that were his right through blood. He also married into the Welsh nobility by marrying an Agnes Griffith, a scion of the Tudor family herself and thus a distant cousin to the King. The facts around Roland’s ascension are quite incredible and it is no surprise that a myth has grown up surrounding this random young Breton man whom found himself a personal favourite of a King for no clear reason.  Roland would subsequently become the grandfather of the notable Katherine Berain, the noblewoman known as Mam Cymru and prosperous under the reign of her distant cousin Elizabeth I. Whether or not he was the son of Henry VII is debatable and certainly inconclusive, a mystery for which we will never know the answer. Beaumaris captures the medieval Welsh period well and is certainly a place to visit.  Beaumaris can be visited from March to June and costs £3.80 to enter.

Penmynydd

Whilst Pembroke Castle has a valid claim as the birthplace of the Tudor Dynasty, to many North Walians the true origin of England’s most famous ruling family is a quiet, unassuming village on the rural island of Anglesey. Penmynydd, literally “top of the mountain”, lies on the B5420 road between the Menai Bridge and the town of Llangefni and with a lack of signs indicting where you are it is possible to drive through the few houses that constitute Penmynydd without realising the historical importance of the hamlet you’ve just been through. Although it may not seem it, Penmynydd was the base from which one of Wales’ most powerful families grew into Britain and Europe’s most infamous dynasty. The family which would become known as the Tudor’s began is mercurial rise in Welsh nobility circles with the 13th century seneschal to the great Gwynedd Princes, Ednyfed Fychan. As steward and chancellor to Llywelyn the Great, Ednyfed was a valued and loyal servant to his Prince and as expected was rewarded well with riches and land. Amongst his acquisitions was the Lordship of Penmynydd which would become both his and his descendant’s power base from which they extended their influence on the politics of the region. After the region was conquered in 1282 by King Edward I of England, Ednyfed’s heir’s ensured they maintained their grip on power by developing an understanding with the English royals and remaining firmly amongst the elite in Gwynedd. Ednyfed’s family reached its zenith of power in North Wales with his great great great grandchildren, the so called Tudors of Penmynydd. Their father Tudur ap Goronwy had five sons, all of whom would flourish towards the end of the 14th century as loyal servants to the reigning King Richard II. One son was Goronwy Fychan whom became noted as the Forrester of Snowdonia in 1382 as well as attaining the remarkable aforementioned position as Constable of Beaumaris Castle. Although very much a man whom was increasing his family’s prestige with each appointment, tragically Goronwy drowned not long these achievements and saw his Penmynydd land’s pass to his brothers, each of whom had their own lands and positions of authority spread around the island of Anglesey. After King Richard II was usurped by Henry Bolingbroke, the Tudor’s quickly became rebels when they joined their cousin Owain Glyndwr in rebelling against the new King in what would become known as the Welsh War of Independence. Although the eldest sons in Ednyfed and Goronwy had passed away by this point, Gwilym, Rhys and Maredudd threw their lot in with their cousin in a move that would bring success to begin with before leaving the Tudor inheritance utterly destroyed. Although initial campaigns such as capturing Conwy Castle and supporting their cousin in his first Welsh parliament in 1404 were triumphant victories, the might of the English army would eventually crush the Welsh resistance and Rhys in particular would suffer the pain that was a public traitor’s death by the method of Hung, Drawn and Quartered. The youngest son Maredudd would end his days as an exile from the law after allegedly murdering a man and escaping into the wilderness that was Snowdonia, although not before fathering a young son Owain whom would have to leave his Penmynydd home in order to make his fortune. Due to the actions of the sons during the rebellion, their influence in North Welsh politics from their base in Penmynydd came to a sudden and grinding halt, the lands passing to a distant cousin and the family disappearing into obscurity. Owain ap Maredudd ap Tudur arrived in London as a young boy and it was through his incredible union with Queen Katherine of Valois, dowager queen of King Henry V, that produced Edmund and Jasper Tudor and in turn the Royal House of Tudor that found itself on the throne of England in 1485 under Owen’s grandson Henry VII. In three generations, this minor Penmynydd family had emerged from near ruin to become the most powerful family on the British Isles.

Today, there are two sites of interest in the minor village of Penmynydd that will be of interest to the enthusiastic Tudor-obsessed visitor, that of Plas Penmynydd and St Gredifael’s Church. The current house that stands at Plas Penmynydd is in itself a later construction than the one that would have been known by the 13th and 14th century Tudor family, built during the reign of their progeny Elizabeth I in 1576. What can be assumed is that this newer building was constructed on the very site that the original building stood in which the Tudor brood would conduct their affairs from. The current estate is now a private home and although the current owner is sensitive to the history of the house that he inhabits, it is not currently accessible to the public. One site that does remain open to the public is St Gredifael’s Church, the village’s historic site of worship and a constant in the area for many centuries. The church is said to have been founded as a Celtic church by the Breton saint Gredifael in the 6th Century, with the first stone church being constructing in the 12th century when the area was still the Kingdom of Gwynedd. The current building dates from around the 14th century when it would have been the local place of worship for many a member of what would become known as the Tudor family and can be found about half a mile north of the village between the junctions of two minor backstreet roads. It was here that Goronwy ap Tudur was buried in the 1380’s after his untimely death from drowning and this prominent North Welsh noble is remembered with an impressive alabaster tomb. Goronwy was the uncle of Owen Tudor and thus would become a Great-great uncle to the King of England Henry Tudor. Apart from this rare tomb of a member of the Welsh Tudor aristocracy, the Church also has later additions that proudly display the Royal Family’s connection with both the church and the village, prominently the stained glass window containing the infamous Tudor Rose and other Regal regalia that became well-documented under the Tudor reigns of Henry VII, Henry VIII and Elizabeth I. Proudly on the window reads a motto that although only seen by the very few whom have ventured to these parts is no less as striking as any that can be found in the major London palaces of Henry VIII. The motto reads “Undeb fel rhosyn yw ar lan afonydd ac fel ty dur ar Ben Y Mynydd” which translates as “Unity is like a rose on a river bank, and like a House of Steel on the top of a mountain”. The two metaphors that may not seem immediately obvious to the reader are “Top of a Mountain/Ben Y Mynydd” which subtly refers to the place Penmynydd and the more obscure “House of Steel/Ty Dur” which represents Tudor. Elsewhere in the church, the ends of the pews bear the French royal symbol of the Fleur-de-lis which represents the incredible union of the Tudor family of Penmynydd to the French Royal Family through the persons of Owen Tudor and Queen Katherine of Valois in the 15th century. Penmynydd is not on hardly anyone’s Tudor tourist trail as the small almost uninhabited village is as far removed from the hustle and bustle of a Windsor Castle or a Hampton Court as it is possible to get, yet it is here where it all begin and as such a visit to this solitude is a must.

Hereford and Mortimer’s Cross

Although not strictly in Wales, the Battle of Mortimer’s Cross in Herefordshire is an important event in the history of the Tudor family for it was here that Owen Tudor was captured and for this reason must be included in any Welsh Tudor compilation. Owen Tudor was the son of Maredudd ap Tudur and due to his father and uncles allegiance to their cousin Owain Glyndwr’s Welsh war of independence at the turn of the 15th century had been forced to exile himself to England in order to make his fortune after his inheritance in Anglesey was left negligible. Initially serving as a page and esquire in the service of a noble knight, Owain ap Maredudd ap Tudur soon found himself in the employ of the young dowager Queen Katherine of Valois, mother to the infant King Henry VI. Although how it happened as remained unclear, what is certain is within 10 years of his employ he was not only married to the King’s Mother but had had a number of children with her, notably Jasper Tudor and Edmund Tudor, whom would go on to father King Henry VII. In what appears to be a devoted love match between a Queen and her lowly Welsh subject, Owen Tudor became an ardent loyalist to his stepson King Henry VI after Katherine’s death and was a valuable soldier along with his son Jasper on Henry’s beleagured side during the Wars of the Roses. After a few initial battles, the two armies met in 1461 when they came to a confrontation at Mortimer’s Cross in Herefordshire, a small hamlet on the River Lugg roughly six miles north west of Leominster. Jasper’s army consisted of many of his Welsh allies, including the sons of Gruffudd ap Nicholas, as well as Irish, Breton and French soldiers. The beginning of the battle on 2nd February 1461 was noted for the large parhelion that appeared in the sky, literally the illusion of three sons. Edward, Earl of March and now de facto leader of the Yorkists, convinced his forces that it was a good omen as he insisted it not only represented the Holy Trinity but also the York trinity of Edward and his two brothers George of Clarence and the younger Richard. The reinvigorated soldiers under Edward’s command found themselves overawed at this omen and proceeded to rout the Lancastrians. Jasper was forced to flee but would have been heartbroken when it emerged that his elderly father, around 60 years old, was captured by the enemy and in particular the fellow Welshman and foe of the Tudors, Sir Roger Vaughan.

A bitter and still grieving Edward no doubt felt this was an ideal chance to exact a measure of revenge for the death of his father Duke Richard of York and the other Yorkists whom had died and promptly ordered that Owen be executed in the nearby township of Hereford. By all accounts Owen didn’t believe that the execution would be carried out due to his close familial relationship with the Lancastrian royal family and thus was relying on his worth as a captive to win him a reprieve. It was only as he was placed on the execution spot in Hereford’s High Town and his doublet torn from his neck that Owen realised he was to die imminently. Rather than wailing or begging for mercy like many whom found themselves reduced to trembling wrecks at the moment of their death, Owen Tudor was praised for taking his sentence meekly, both obediently and humbly and undoubtedly considering himself as adhering to the chivalric code he had always lived by. Regrettably for the aged Owen, chivalry was rapidly becoming a remnant of a bygone era particularly during the height of this dynastic quarrel and he himself had become the latest victim of a bloody dispute. Owen was then reputed to have referred to his long-dead wife when he proclaimed “that head shall lie on the stock that was wont to lie on Queen Katherine’s lap”. After the execution was completed a madwoman retrieved the head and spent a matter of time calmly brushing his hair and washing the blood away from the face, the whole time whilst surrounded by candles. The great adventurer and the man whom had invigorated and resurrected his ancient Welsh family was no more. Similar to his son Edmund, Owen was also buried in a Greyfriars Franciscan Church in the town where he was put to death. Although there is nothing to really see at the still deserted hamlet of Mortimer’s Cross, in Hereford town centre there lays a small unobtrusive plaque in the pavement that states “Owen Tudor, Welsh husband of Queen Catherine, the widow of King Henry V, was executed at Hereford in 1461 following the battle of Mortimer’s Cross. Grandfather of King Henry VII, founder of the Tudor Dynasty, his severed head is said to have been placed on the top step of the market cross which once stood near this step”.
Raglan Castle

If Pembroke Castle is the most impressive of its kind in South Wales, then Raglan certainly runs it a close second. Situated in Monmouthshire close to the English border, Raglan was noted primarily as the home base of the powerful Herbert family, a clan of Welsh nobles whom were the 15th century rivals to the Tudor family. William Herbert was a renowned loyalist to the Yorkist cause during the Wars of the Roses and eventually rose to become the first Welshman to enter English peerage when he was made Lord Herbert of Raglan in 1461 and promoted even further to Earl of Pembroke in 1468, coincidentally replacing a Tudor in the position. Herbert was also made Justice and Chamberlain of South Wales to be ruled from his highly impressive fortress at Raglan as well as gaining the privileged distinction of being allowed into the King’s inner circle. As the Herbert’s rose, the Tudor’s fell and vice versa, such was the incompatibility between the Yorkist Herbert’s and the Lancastrian Tudors in their battle for supremacy in Wales. One particular event that exemplified such a scenario was the 1461 defeat of the Lancastrian forces at the Battle of Mortimer’s Cross, after which Jasper Tudor was forced to leave his toddler nephew Henry behind at Pembroke and flee the country. After Pembroke was captured by Herbert’s forces the young boy’s wardship was immediately reverted to the Crown, and perhaps sensing a possibility to further his own family’s interests Herbert purchased the boy’s rights.

Henry appears to have initially continued to have lived at Pembroke Castle with his mother before being removed to Raglan Castle which was the Herbert base. Raglan Castle was based in the extreme South East of Wales in the county of Monmouthshire, a key location in the Marcher Lands and providing a good conduit between West Wales and London. Around the time Henry arrived at Raglan, the castle was undergoing renovations designed to make it an even greater display of wealth and status, particularly as William Herbert continued to rise in society. It certainly would have been one of the most comfortable places to live at the time. Here he would come under the control of William Herbert’s wife Anne Devereux and was brought up as an integral part of the household. Men rating amongst the very best tutors in the land were assigned to him, namely an Edward Haseley and an Andrew Scot, two graduates from Oxford University designed to provide the young master a top level education. Additionally Sir Hugh Johns from Gower was also noted to have instructed the Henry in matters of military. Bernard Andre would later record in his biased but detailed biography of his patron King Henry VII that “after he reached the age of understanding, he was handed over to the best and most upright instructors to be taught the first principles of literature. He was endowed with such sharp mental powers and such great natural vigour and comprehension that even as a young boy he learned everything pertaining to religious instruction rapidly and thoroughly, with little effort from his teachers. Indeed, at this time the highest disposition for virtue shone forth in the boy, and he was so attentive in reading and listening to the divine office that all who watched him saw signs of his future goodness and success. When as a young man he was initiated into the first principles of literature, he surpassed his peers with the same quick intellect he had displayed as a boy”. When Henry became King, he displayed his gratitude to what must have been a fulfilling education when he rewarded all those that played a part in his childhood. When Polydore Vergil created his biography of Henry during the latter’s reign, he recorded that Henry “was kept as a prisoner, but honourably brought up”. This was also exemplified when, similar to his tutors, Henry brought Anne Devereux to court once he was King to show favour to this woman whom played a key part in his development. After Herbert was killed in 1469, Henry was quickly recovered by his uncle Jasper Tudor before the two of them escaped capture by fleeing to Brittany from Tenby Harbour in 1471. Today the ruins of Raglan are still plentiful particular the Great Tower, of such a great height that one simply must climb it. Similarly to Carew Castle, the French-inspired Raglan has a plethora of Oriel Window’s still intact as well as the recently refurbished Great Staircase. Complete with moat and impressive gatehouse, wandering around the grounds allows you to get an idea of the views, smells and sounds that would have greeted the growing Henry Tudor as a young boy as you walk in his steps. Raglan, a castle which displays all the benefits afforded to rich and powerful 15th century nobles, can be visited during the early summer months for £3.50.

Henry Tudor Statue Campaign at Pembroke Castle

Tudors

THE OFFICIAL WELSH GOVERNMENT PETITION HAS NOW BEEN SUBMITTED TO THE SENEDD AND HAS BEEN UNDER CONSIDERATION SINCE JANUARY 2013.

“We call on the National Assembly for Wales to urge the Welsh Government to fund a statue of Henry VII in Pembroke, town of his birth and birthplace of the Tudor Dynasty.

There is no statue or memorial in the town of this man. A statue could improve the economy of the town as a Tudor must-visit place.’

https://www.assemblywales.org/epetition-list-of-signatories.htm?pet_id=739

As you may or may not know I am a keen amateur Tudor historian and have recently completed the manuscript for my first Tudor book, ‘Tudor Wales; A Guide’, hopefully due for publication in 2014. As part of my interest I have visited many locations throughout England ranging from the major attractions like Hampton Court to minor areas such as various Wars of the Roses Battlefields in the Welsh Marches. I have visited Windsor Castle, Greenwich Palace, St James Palace, Westminster Abbey amongst others. As a proud Welshman from Carmarthenshire I have a great love for this picturesque area of West Wales and have spent many hours, days and even weeks scouting any historic areas with links to the Tudor Dynasty with the sole intention of visiting and photographing for posterity. I have great enjoyment in researching the history of the locations and documenting them in an attempt to bring greater awareness to these sites of Welsh heritage. After all, the Tudors were a Welsh family and the links are throughout our country, albeit one must lament in a less obvious way than the major palaces in London where they achieved their later fame as Kings and Queens of England.

If you are local to South Wales you may or may not be aware of Tudor links in this part of the world but my hunch is that unless one has a reasonably deep interest in the subject then they will be oblivious to the history right on their doorstep. If an area of historical interest isn’t publically advertised, then how is one supposed to learn about this local past? So where are these Tudor links first of all? There are the incredible ruins of Lamphey Bishop’s Palace just outside Pembroke where Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond and father to the future Monarch regularly stayed when on state business in South Wales. This plush retreat was seemingly a location the Earl of Richmond found relaxing, for the site was and still is situated in the middle of sprawling forest and parkland which together with the fishponds and orchards ensured everything the Earl required was openly available. It was at Lamphey Palace that Edmund had honeymooned with his young bride Margaret Beaufort and seems very possible that it was here at his Pembrokeshire headquarters that his son was conceived.

Edmund died without ever having seen his new-born son and although initially buried in a monastery in Carmarthen, after his grandson Henry VIII’s infamous Dissolution of the Monasteries a century later his tomb was moved to St David’s Cathedral where it now rests impressively in front of the alter in the religious centre of Wales, as befitting his role as ancestor of the kings of the realm. Resting fittingly in the same region that Edmund had reached the zenith of his power shortly before his death, the epitaph that appears around his tomb declares: “under this marble stone here inclosed resteth the bones of that most noble lord Edmond Earl of Richmond father and brother to kings, the which departed out of this world in year of our lord God MCCCCLVI the third of the month of November: on whose soul Almighty Jesu have mercy”. Across the county lies Tenby, a favourite holiday resort of many and a town that has a deep Tudor connection. Henry’s uncle and Edmund’s brother Jasper Tudor was the Earl of Pembroke and as such made this region of South Wales his powerbase during the hazardous years of the Wars of the Roses. Jasper’s half-brother was King Henry VI whom was coming under attack from Yorkist forces and with defence in mind Jasper ensured the walls of Tenby were strengthened. The famous walls can still be seen today as well as the multi-storied Mayor’s House situated just in front of the harbour. On this building lies a blue plaque which proudly states “it is said that Henry Tudor (Later King Henry VII) escaped through a tunnel here, in 1471, when he fled to France”.

After living in exile in Brittany for 14 years to escape capture and probable execution at the hands of Yorkist King Edward IV, Henry found himself the new Lancastrian heir and eventually launched his invasion force to usurp the crown. Choosing his birth area and the Land of his Fathers for reasons of strategy and alliance, his forces landed at Mill Bay just outside the lovely village of Dale in 1485. His rag tag army of loyal soldiers and mercenaries landed here under both his and his uncle Jasper Tudor’s command and began the arduous task of marching through Wales to that fateful meeting with King Richard III at Bosworth in England. By the end of that day, Henry’s forces had vanquished Richard’s and the Welshman was acceded to the crown as King Henry VII.

The final and greatest connection to the Tudor dynasty in Pembrokshire is the impressive Pembroke Castle, a colossal monument that witnessed the birth of a king and thus can be considered the birthplace of the world’s most famous royal dynasty. It was in one of the outer wards to the west of the gatehouse on 28th January 1457 that the 13-year-old Margaret Beaufort brought her young son into the world. In addition to her young age the new mother was also very slender with a small frame not suited to the rigours of child birth and unsurprisingly by all accounts it was a difficult pregnancy. In fact it probably rendered her infertile for the remainder of her life as there were no other accounts of her baring child in spite of two further marriages. The child was sickly soon after his birth and good care by both his mother and the attendant nurses within Pembroke Castle seem to be the core reason for this young babe not becoming yet another statistic for the high infant mortality rates of the time.

Although the son was called Henry, a regal English name and possibly in tribute to the child’s half-uncle and incumbent sovereign Henry VI, a later Cymric tradition suggested the original name was in fact Owain. Although no contemporary evidence exists to corroborate this account, it is interesting to note nevertheless that the aforementioned Welsh prophecies suggested an Owain would come to lead the Welsh as their Mab Darogan, or Son of Prophecy which boldly asserted that a Welshman would be crowned King of all Britons in London. Perhaps the story has some truth, although the likelihood is that it was an apocryphal story from a Welsh bard looking to further the myth surrounding this Welsh-born child once he had become king. By blood Henry of Richmond, for he had inherited his father’s earldom upon birth as was his hereditary right, was one quarter French, one quarter Welsh and half English but with his birthplace and father’s nationality considered most valid under patrilineal descent, it is indisputable which nation would claim Harri Tudur as their own. The courageous Edmund Tudor had passed before he could live up to the hopes and dreams of the Welsh bards whom watched from a distance but fittingly he had left something pure and new in his place, a young son with an equally impeccable Welsh bloodline hailing back to the great South Welsh Princes like Rhodri Mawr and Hywel Dda.
With this in mind it is somewhat disappointing to note the lack of celebration towards the birth and subsequent life of Henry Tudor in West Wales. This isn’t merely a location with a tenuous link to the Tudors, it’s an integral part of the Tudor story as the birthplace of Henry VII. With the plethora of Tudor related places in the region as already mentioned it is very surprising and almost unacceptable to learn that this wonderful historical occurrence hasn’t been capitalised upon. There is a large and lucrative Tudor market in England which has proved to be provide a consistent income from tourism and it is galling that Pembrokeshire has yet to adopt such measures.

If people are willing to travel hundreds of miles, sometimes thousands, to visit Tudor locations throughout England then surely Pembroke and indeed Pembrokeshire should be marketing itself as the “Birthplace of the Tudor Dynasty”. It is difficult to overstate the financial benefits the Tudors bring to the UK touristy industry, hundreds perhaps thousands of Americans alone regularly visiting the many palaces and castles in England to place themselves in the very spot history happened. Hampton Court. Windsor. Kenilworth Castle. Ludlow Castle. Even Stratford Upon Avon with its Shakespeare links. York has built an entire tourism industry by capitalising on its, admittedly unique, heritage. The list is endless. It is understandable that funding is not forthcoming at the moment from Pembroke as a town and a council but this matter does need to be capitalised on by the area to market itself as a core Tudor attraction capable of rivalling other regionally significant areas like Stratford Upon Avon.

The castle itself, under the managerialship of Jon Williams, has certainly done all it can financially do to increase tourism although their ambitions are drastically reduced by the economical issues of running such an enterprise without any outside funding. Jon stated to me “we are gradually adding to and modernising our interpretation here and although we don’t lack ambition and ideas unfortunately it takes money to make things happen on a major scale“. Indeed Pembroke Castle itself is a small independent charitable trust “that needs to spend a lot of resources to simply maintain the castle as a visitor attraction“.

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I read with interest that in 2010 Mrs Melanie Phillips campaigned for a statue of Henry VII at Pembroke castle and I feel that this would be a fantastic addition to the premises, or at least in the town. It would give an overt and obvious indication of the importance of the castle to the Tudor story and could prove to be a lucrative marketing aspect for Tudor addicts. It is all very well having exhibitions inside, but the key is attracting people to the area in the first place, and a statue would certainly do that. As a comparison, the small North Welsh village of Corwen has a magnificent statue of Owain Glyndwr and as a result has been able to attract scores of Welshmen from all over to view it. Imagine tapping into only a mere percentage of the gigantic Tudor Tourism Industry and persuading them to come to Pembroke for a similar pilgrimage to the one they already make to many different locales throughout England. Jon Williams of Pembroke Castle agrees, stating “it would make perfect sense to have a statue although my opinion is that it would benefit Pembroke more if it were at the opposite end of the main street to the Castle. Firstly this would encourage Castle visitors to wander the town and secondly it would act as a good welcome to people arriving at East End Square“. It would certainly benefit Pembroke and it would benefit Wales. Pembrokeshire’s most famous son deserves more than a couple of mere plaques and in an age of austerity any attempt to bring in tourism to boost the stuttering economy must be seriously looked at. I understand on that occasion Mrs Phillips’ campaign was not successful but I would urge the council and tourist board to take another look at this matter. Pembroke is the home of the world famous Tudor Dynasty and deserves recognition that would certainly place it on the global scale alongside other famous Tudor locations in England.

UPDATE Feb 2013: After an initial flurry of press interest when the petition was first opened in May 2012, the official submission of the petition to the Welsh Government petitions committee occured on 8th January 2013 and with it has brought further attention and awareness to the campaign. The first few days after the submission has brought articles in the Western Mail, Western Telegraph, Milford Mercury, Pembroke Dock Observer and a spot on BBC Radio Cymru.

UPDATE Dec 2013: Positively the petition is still under consideration at the Welsh Government and the opinions of various public bodies have been courted by the petitions committee. The general consensus thus far has been that whilst in theory the idea is valid and supported there is simply not the finances to commit.  The committee wrote to the Pembrokeshire Coast National Park, Welsh Government Minister for Housing, Regeneration and Housing and also Pembrokeshire County Council. The response from the Minister was disappointing stating they do not fund the creation of new memorials or commemorations. Pembrokeshire County Council stated they are fully supportive of any proposals which highlight the Tudor link to the county and any rebranding proposal which improves tourism if not to a statue itself. Pembs Coast National Park stated they do not believe a statue is worth public money but do believe that new intrepretation panels would be more effective.

On 16th April the committee considered the responses and stated whilst it is clear no money or funding is being put forward, I have gained a partial win in attaining support for dedicated intrepretation panels on the Tudors in Pembroke. They have agreed the campaign is still ongoing and will now consult with Pembroke Castle Trust, Pembroke Town Council and the new Heritage Minister for further consultation. The campaign is still ongoing as things presently stand, a promising sign after one year of deliberation.

PRESS

As part of this campaign, there will be occasions where it will receive press interest.

The Western Mail; (11th May 2012) http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/2012/05/11/call-for-castle-to-make-most-of-its-role-in-tudor-dynasty-91466-30944610/

The Western Telegraph; (16th May 2012)

The Western Telegraph; (9th January 2013)http://www.westerntelegraph.co.uk/news/10150247.Petition_calling_for_a_Henry_VII_statue_in_Pembroke_is_handed_over/

The Western Mail; (10th January 2013) http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/2013/01/10/let-s-celebrate-pembrokeshire-s-links-to-the-tudor-dynasty-campaign-91466-32576759/

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GOVERNMENT RESPONSE

Response from Welsh Government Business Minister Edwina Hart (22nd May 2012)

PETITION SUBMISSION TO WELSH GOVERNMENT

Official handover of the petition to Assembly Members on the Petitions Committee at Y Senedd (8th January 2013)

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Petition and supporting documents can be viewed – http://www.senedd.assemblywales.org/ieIssueDetails.aspx?IId=5324&Opt=3

RESPONSES FROM RELEVANT PARTIES

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